Shafie had majority when appointed CM in 2018

Datuk Shafie Apdal at the signing of his appointment instrument by then Malaysia's Chief Judge Tan Sri (now Tun) Richard Malanjum to be the 15th Chief Minister of Sabah in 2018.

Daniel John Jambun, 14-6-2025

WE take note of the recent opinion piece titled “Let’s Not Rewrite History: The Real Backdoor Chief Minister Was Shafie Apdal” authored by Datuk Clarence Bongkos Malakun.

While the writer attempts to posture as a constitutional purist, his narrative is riddled with distortion, selective amnesia, and a desperate attempt to whitewash the true political betrayal that unfolded under GRS.

We now set the record straight — with facts, not propaganda.

1. Shafie Apdal Had the Majority Support. That Is the Constitutional Threshold.

Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal was not appointed through the backdoor — he was sworn in after it was clear that he commanded majority support in the Sabah State Legislative Assembly. The six UPKO assemblymen who switched sides broke no law. They acted in good conscience and aligned with the reform movement that swept Malaysia after GE14.

The real constitutional crisis happened when two Chief Ministers were sworn in within 48 hours — a crisis triggered not by Shafie, but by the premature swearing-in of Musa Aman without verified majority support.

And let us not forget: Musa Aman himself challenged Shafie’s appointment in court. But midway through the proceedings, Musa withdrew the case — because he realised he could not prove he held majority support. If his position was legally and morally sound, why back down?

In a parliamentary democracy, it is the support of the majority of elected representatives — not who is sworn in first — that determines the legitimacy of government. (USNO vs PBS 1985 applies.)

2. If Shafie Was “Backdoor,” Then GRS Is the Backdoor of All Backdoors

Let us be absolutely clear: Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) did not contest the 2020 state election as a formal coalition. There was no GRS logo. The parties contested under separate banners — Perikatan Nasional, Barisan Nasional and others — without a common manifesto or electoral mandate.

The so-called GRS government was only formed after the election, through a series of political defections and federally orchestrated deals. That is the very definition of a backdoor government.

In contrast, Warisan Plus contested as a clear coalition, with a unified manifesto, and won the most seats as a single bloc. But the people’s mandate was overturned — not at the ballot box, but in hotel rooms and elite negotiations backed by external interference.

Before Clarence Malakun points fingers, he should reflect on the coalition he now defends — one born not of the people’s mandate, but of political manipulation and opportunism.

3. The “Sempornisation” Accusation Is Racist and Baseless

The accusation that Shafie Apdal’s administration was dominated by "Semporna loyalists" is nothing more than racial dog-whistling and baseless slander. Warisan’s government was inclusive and reflective of Sabah’s rich ethnic and regional diversity — from Penampang to Kota Belud, from Tenom to Kudat.

Ironically, the current GRS government is far more centralised, filled with recycled Barisan elites, and dependent on federal-linked proxies and political appointments. Where is the meritocracy they claim to uphold?

4. The Water Crisis and Infrastructure Failures Began Before Warisan

The claim that Warisan sabotaged the Telibong 2 and Sandakan water projects is false. These projects were paused for due diligence due to inflated costs, procurement irregularities, and governance concerns.

The real failure lies in GRS’s inability to resolve Sabah’s worsening water crisis despite receiving billions in allocations. The people are suffering even more today — and this government must take responsibility.

5. The “Project IC 2.0” Narrative Is Politically Weaponised and Historically Inaccurate

Accusations linking Warisan to “Project IC 2.0” are recycled political slander. If there was any genuine wrongdoing, why has the GRS government — after nearly four years in power — failed to take legal action or produce credible evidence?

In truth, the influx of undocumented immigrants and stateless individuals long predates Warisan’s administration. For instance:

In 2014, under Barisan Nasional’s rule, official estimates already placed the number of undocumented foreigners in Sabah at over 800,000.

The Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI) on illegal immigrants in Sabah revealed the existence of syndicates and systemic failures tied to illegal identity documentation.

During RCI proceedings, Dr Chong Eng Leong publicly named a senior political figure as the alleged “Chairman of Project IC.” This was stated under oath and recorded as part of the official inquiry.

To this day, the individual named has never sued Dr. Chong for defamation — despite the seriousness and publicity of the allegation. The public must ask:

> If the accusation was false, why no legal action? If it was true, why no investigation?

This deafening silence is not just suspicious — it is a betrayal of public trust.

According to the Department of Statistics Malaysia (DOSM), in 2020 there were 810,400 non-Malaysian citizens in Sabah. By 2024, that figure rose to 1,043,400. This only shows GRS is clearly pro PTI.

Even more alarming, Peer Mohd Kadir, who admitted before the RCI that he originated from India and obtained his IC through dubious means, was later appointed to the Board of Sawit Kinabalu and awarded the ADK honorific. Three years ago, Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor promised to look into the matter — nothing has been done.

Furthermore, in response to questions in the State Assembly, Datuk Abidin Madingkir himself admitted that no ICs were issued by the Sabah government, as this falls under the jurisdiction of the Home Ministry — not Warisan.

Warisan inherited a decades-old mess. It did not create it.

6. Warisan Returned to the People. GRS Hides Behind Appointments.

Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal upheld democratic integrity. After his government was brought down through defections, he returned to the rakyat and sought a fresh mandate — a principled and courageous act.

In contrast, GRS has evaded electoral accountability. It survives on elite appointments, state-funded publicity stunts, and politically motivated award ceremonies — not legitimate performance.

7. Sabah Needs Leadership — Not Political Hypocrisy

It is deeply ironic that Clarence Malakun — a recycled political appointee — accuses Warisan of populism, when the government he now defends came to power through betrayal, elite backroom deals, and federal favouritism.

If we are serious about defending democracy in Sabah, we must return power to the people — not rewrite history to protect today’s incumbents.

Conclusion: Let the People Decide — With Truth, Not Spin

Yes, let the people decide. But let them decide based on facts — not fabricated narratives.

The truth is this: Shafie Apdal held a legitimate mandate in 2018. GRS was born through political betrayal — not the ballot box.

No amount of awards or media spin can cover up four years of failure, division, and regression.

Daniel John Jambun is currently the 

President of Borneo’s Plight In Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo)

&

Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS).#~Borneo Herald™

Jawapan Mantap Daniel John Jambun Kepada Clarence Bongkos Malakun berhubung siapa Ketua Menteri Lebih Ok

Kebenaran Tidak Boleh Diputar: Datuk Shafie Apdal Dilantik Secara Sah Ketua Menteri pada 2018, kata Daniel John Jambun.

Oleh Daniel John Jambun, 14-6-2025

KAMI mengambil maklum kenyataan terbaru bertajuk “Jangan Putar Sejarah: Ketua Menteri Pintu Belakang Sebenar Adalah Shafie Apdal” yang ditulis oleh Datuk Clarence Bongkos Malakun.

Walaupun penulis cuba tampil sebagai seorang yang kononnya memahami Perlembagaan, naratif yang dibawanya sarat dengan pemutarbelitan, amnesia terpilih, dan usaha terdesak untuk mencuci sejarah sebenar pengkhianatan politik di bawah GRS.

Kini kami tampil untuk meluruskan fakta — dengan kebenaran, bukan propaganda

1. Shafie Apdal Mendapat Sokongan Majoriti. Itu Adalah Ambang Perlembagaan.

Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal tidak dilantik melalui pintu belakang — beliau mengangkat sumpah selepas terbukti memiliki sokongan majoriti dalam Dewan Undangan Negeri Sabah. Enam ADUN UPKO yang beralih sokongan tidak melanggar undang-undang. Mereka bertindak atas suara hati dan menyokong arus reformasi yang melanda Malaysia selepas PRU14.

Krisis perlembagaan sebenar berlaku apabila dua Ketua Menteri mengangkat sumpah dalam tempoh 48 jam — satu krisis yang tercetus bukan oleh Shafie, tetapi oleh pelantikan tergesa-gesa Musa Aman tanpa bukti sokongan majoriti.

Dan jangan kita lupa: Musa Aman sendiri mencabar pelantikan Shafie di mahkamah. Namun, di pertengahan perbicaraan, Musa menarik balik kes tersebut — kerana beliau sedar beliau tidak dapat membuktikan beliau mempunyai sokongan majoriti. Jika kedudukannya sah dari segi undang-undang dan moral, mengapa berundur?

Dalam sistem demokrasi berparlimen, sokongan majoriti wakil rakyat yang dipilih — bukan siapa yang angkat sumpah dahulu — yang menentukan keabsahan kerajaan (kes USNO lwn PBS 1985 menjadi rujukan).

2. Jika Shafie Adalah “Pintu Belakang”, Maka GRS Adalah Pintu Belakang Paling Besar

GRS tidak bertanding dalam PRN 2020 sebagai satu gabungan rasmi. Tiada logo GRS digunakan. Parti-parti bertanding atas tiket berasingan — Perikatan Nasional, Barisan Nasional dan lain-lain — tanpa manifesto bersama atau mandat pilihan raya yang jelas.

GRS hanya dibentuk selepas pilihan raya, melalui siri pelompat parti dan rundingan politik yang didalangi pihak pusat. Itu adalah definisi sebenar kerajaan pintu belakang.

Sebaliknya, Warisan Plus bertanding dengan identiti gabungan yang jelas, manifesto yang bersatu, dan memenangi jumlah kerusi terbanyak sebagai blok tunggal. Tetapi mandat rakyat dikhianati — bukan di peti undi, tetapi dalam bilik hotel melalui rundingan elit dan campur tangan luar.

Sebelum Clarence Malakun menuding jari, beliau wajar cermin gabungan yang kini beliau pertahankan — lahir bukan dari mandat rakyat, tetapi dari manipulasi politik dan oportunisme.

3. Tuduhan “Sempornaisasi” Adalah Rasis dan Tidak Berasas

Tuduhan bahawa pentadbiran Shafie dipenuhi “loyalis Semporna” hanyalah siulan rasis yang tidak berdasar. Kerajaan Warisan adalah inklusif dan mencerminkan kepelbagaian etnik dan daerah Sabah — dari Penampang ke Kota Belud, dari Tenom ke Kudat.

Ironinya, kerajaan GRS hari ini jauh lebih berpusat, dipenuhi sisa-sisa elit Barisan, dan bergantung pada proksi politik berkait pusat serta pelantikan politik. Di mana meritokrasi yang dicanangkan?

4. Krisis Air dan Infrastruktur Bermula Sebelum Warisan

Tuduhan bahawa Warisan menyabotaj projek Telibong 2 dan Sandakan adalah tidak benar. Projek-projek ini ditangguhkan bagi menyemak semula kos yang melambung, ketidaktelusan perolehan dan isu tadbir urus.

Kegagalan sebenar ialah ketidakmampuan GRS menyelesaikan krisis air Sabah meskipun menerima berbilion ringgit peruntukan. Rakyat semakin menderita — dan kerajaan hari ini wajib bertanggungjawab.

5. Naratif “Projek IC 2.0” Adalah Tidak Berasas dan Bermotif Politik

Tuduhan yang mengaitkan Warisan dengan “Projek IC 2.0” adalah fitnah kitar semula yang direka untuk memburukkan lawan politik. Jika benar wujud sebarang salah laku, mengapa setelah hampir empat tahun memerintah, kerajaan GRS masih gagal mengambil tindakan undang-undang atau mengemukakan bukti yang sah?

Hakikatnya, masalah pendatang tanpa izin dan individu tidak berdokumen telah wujud jauh sebelum Warisan mengambil alih pentadbiran. Sebagai contoh:

Pada tahun 2014, ketika Barisan Nasional masih mentadbir, anggaran rasmi sudah menunjukkan lebih 800,000 pendatang tanpa izin berada di Sabah.

Suruhanjaya Siasatan Diraja (RCI) mengenai pendatang asing di Sabah telah mendedahkan kewujudan sindiket pemberian kad pengenalan secara tidak sah dan kelemahan sistemik dalam kawalan imigresen.

Dalam prosiding RCI tersebut, Dr. Chong Eng Leong secara terbuka menamakan seorang tokoh politik sebagai “Pengerusi Projek IC”. Tuduhan ini dibuat di bawah sumpah dan menjadi sebahagian daripada rekod awam.

Namun sehingga hari ini, individu yang dinamakan langsung tidak pernah menyaman Dr. Chong atas tuduhan fitnah — walaupun tuduhan itu amat serius dan bersifat peribadi. Maka rakyat berhak bertanya:

> Jika dakwaan itu palsu, mengapa tidak dibawa ke mahkamah? Dan jika benar, mengapa tiada siasatan atau pendakwaan?

Diam bukan sahaja mencurigakan — ia adalah pengkhianatan terhadap amanah rakyat.

Menurut Jabatan Perangkaan Malaysia (DOSM), pada tahun 2020 terdapat 810,400 bukan warganegara di Sabah. Menjelang 2024, jumlah itu meningkat secara dramatik kepada 1,043,400. Ini menunjukkan GRS penternak PTI.

Lebih parah lagi, Peer Mohd Kadir, yang mengaku dalam RCI bahawa beliau berasal dari India dan memperoleh IC secara meragukan, dilantik sebagai Ahli Lembaga Pengarah Sawit Kinabalu dan bahkan dianugerahkan pingat ADK. Tiga tahun lalu, Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor berjanji untuk menyiasat perkara ini — namun tiada tindakan diambil hingga ke hari ini.

Tambahan pula, Datuk Abidin Madingkir sendiri mengakui dalam Dewan Undangan Negeri bahawa kerajaan negeri tidak pernah mengeluarkan IC kerana isu itu adalah bidang kuasa penuh Kementerian Dalam Negeri — bukan Warisan.

Warisan hanya mewarisi kekacauan sistemik yang telah berakar selama berdekad — bukan pencetusnya.

6. Warisan Kembali Kepada Rakyat. GRS Berlindung di Sebalik Pelantikan.

Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal memelihara prinsip demokrasi. Selepas pemerintahannya dijatuhkan melalui pengkhianatan politik, beliau kembali kepada rakyat dan menuntut mandat baharu — satu tindakan yang berani dan berprinsip.

Sebaliknya, GRS mengelak daripada berdepan pilihan raya. Ia terus bertahan melalui pelantikan elit, majlis glamer tajaan kerajaan dan anugerah politik bermotif — bukan prestasi.

7. Sabah Perlukan Kepimpinan — Bukan Hipokrasi Politik

Adalah ironi apabila Clarence Malakun — seorang tokoh kitar semula yang dilantik demi keselesaan politik — menuduh Warisan sebagai populis, sedangkan kerajaan yang beliau pertahankan datang melalui pengkhianatan mandat, perjanjian elit dan belas ehsan pusat.

Jika kita benar-benar serius mahu menyelamatkan demokrasi Sabah, kita mesti kembalikan kuasa kepada rakyat — bukan menulis semula sejarah untuk melindungi pemerintah hari ini.

Kesimpulan: Biar Rakyat Menentukan — Berdasarkan Fakta, Bukan Putar Belit

Ya, biar rakyat menentukan. Tetapi rakyat berhak membuat keputusan dengan maklumat sebenar — bukan naratif yang direka-reka.

Hakikatnya ialah: Shafie Apdal menerima mandat yang sah pada 2018. GRS lahir melalui pengkhianatan — bukan peti undi.

Tiada anugerah atau propaganda yang mampu menutup kegagalan, perpecahan dan kemunduran selama empat tahun ini.

Daniel John Jambun

Presiden

Borneo’s Plight In Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo)

&

Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS).#~Birneo Herald™

Reveal the Cost to Get the "Mysterious" Award, GRS told

Sabah Chief Minister, Datuk Hajiji Noor became the envy of Malaysians when he suddenly clinched himself and GRS state government an award called the IBR Asean Awards 2025 for being "Malaysia's Most Progressive State". What a timely award!

By Daniel John Jambun, 12-6-2025

WE have seen this movie before — the glossy videos, the dramatic lighting, the carefully scripted accolades. And now, once again, the GRS State Government wants Sabahans to believe they have been crowned “Malaysia’s Most Outstanding State” by a corporate consultancy that is better known for storytelling than independent assessment.

Let us be clear: The IBR Asia Group is not an international institution of governance auditing. It is a private marketing and event consultancy company. Their strength? Storytelling. Their skill? Creating narratives. Their business? Selling perception.

And now the question every Sabahan should be asking is this:

How much did the GRS government pay this consultant to write them a fairy tale?

Because in the real Sabah:

Sabah is the poorest state in Malaysia 

Our people are still queuing for water.

Frequent electricity supply disruptions and shortages 

High unemployment rate at 7.7%. Our youths are migrating for jobs.

Our interior roads are crumbling. Urban roads are full of potholes. 

And our hospitals are understaffed and under-equipped.

Hundreds of dilapidated schools.

Yet somehow, in the fictional Sabah scripted by IBR Asia’s “panel of experts”, all is well — so well, in fact, that Sabah is more “outstanding” than any other state in Malaysia.

Is this award based on independently verified public service delivery, audited economic outcomes, or third-party social development indices? No. It is based on a marketing product, packaged by a consultant for a client.

So again we ask:

How much of the people’s money was spent to stage this illusion? Who approved it? Who paid for the flights, the videos, the trophies, and the dinner gala?

We urge the State Government to immediately disclose all payments, contracts, and correspondence with IBR Asia Group and its associates. Sabahans deserve the truth — not another round of self-congratulatory fiction while the real issues on the ground remain unaddressed.

The people of Sabah are not naive. We know the difference between real transformation and political storytelling.

And we refuse to be bought over by glitter while our future remains in the dark.

Daniel John Jambun is President of

Borneo's Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo)

&

Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS).#~Borneo Herald™

Not even the most corrupt man on earth should try to usurp the country's constitution, it is deadly in this era

Contrary to few people's assertions, Sabah TYT Tun Musa Aman, no matter how some believed he could attempt to decide who "might command the majority", his hand is actually tied and he has to respect the will of the people especially when it comes to appointing the rightful Chief Minister. That is how the civilised modern democracy keeps peace and stability, not the other way round.

By Daniel John Jambun, 11-6-2025

WE take note of the opinion article titled “Power Behind the Istana Gates: Musa Aman’s Quiet Influence in Sabah’s Election”, authored by Dr Arnold Puyok and published on 10 June 2025.

We thank Dr Puyok for his thought-provoking insights and acknowledge the value of academic discourse in enriching our democratic conversations.

Nonetheless, as political observers and civil society leaders, we offer a different perspective — one that reflects the growing sentiment on the ground. For us, the future of Sabah must not be decided behind closed doors or through elite arrangements. It must be determined openly, and by the people.

1. The People — Not the Palace — Must Choose

The suggestion that “the next chief minister is unlikely to be Shafie” is not merely speculative — it risks shaping public opinion before a single vote is cast. It normalises a dangerous idea: that even if Warisan and its allies win a majority, someone more “acceptable” to powerbrokers can override the voters’ choice.

The assertion that the Governor’s “unfettered discretion” — a consequence of the removal of Article 6(7) of the Sabah Constitution — could be invoked to bypass leaders with legitimate mandates opens the door to constitutional ambiguity and erodes trust in Sabah’s democratic institutions.

2. Musa Aman’s Return Symbolises the Old Politics Sabah Must Move Past

We acknowledge Dr. Puyok’s view that Musa Aman may represent political stability to some. However, for many Sabahans, his era (2003–2018) is associated with allegations of corruption, cronyism, and weakening state autonomy. Though charges were later dropped, the public was denied a full airing of evidence in court — a fact that continues to cast doubt.

The real source of instability today is not political opposition but decades of failed leadership, internal coalition strife, and inability to resolve basic issues like:

Chronic water and electricity shortages,

Sabah’s growing development gap with Sarawak,

Youth unemployment and brain drain,

And the failure to realise Sabah’s 40% revenue entitlement under MA63.

This is the reality Sabahans endure — and it demands new leadership, not a return to the old.

3. Shafie Apdal and Warisan Offer a Democratic Alternative, Not a Threat

Datuk Seri Panglima Shafie Apdal was chosen as Chief Minister in 2018 through a legitimate electoral mandate. His administration took initial steps toward institutional reform, transparency, and state rights under the Malaysia Agreement 1963.

What is often omitted is that in 2020, it was Musa Aman — not Shafie — who attempted to return to power through a backdoor arrangement, bypassing the electorate. That attempt failed, and the assembly was rightfully dissolved to return the mandate to the people.

If Warisan wins again, the rakyat’s voice must be respected — not blocked by hidden hands.

4. This Election Is a Referendum on Who Holds Power — The Elites or the People

This is no longer a typical state election. It is a referendum on whether Sabahans want to reclaim power from those who believe decisions should be made behind palace doors or in elite boardrooms.

Only a strong, clear mandate from the people can prevent post-election manoeuvring, backroom deals, or constitutional manipulation. The clearer the result, the harder it becomes for anyone — even behind Istana gates — to defy the will of the people.

5. Sabah Must Rise with Dignity — Not Be Told Who Is "Acceptable"

Sabahans deserve a government that is capable, clean, and rooted in state rights — not one dependent on federal proxies or recycled elites.

We must reject the notion that “power knows best.”

We must insist: Only the people know best.

Warisan envisions a Sabah that governs itself with dignity, not dependency — one where those who failed or exploited the system are shown the door, not handed the keys again.

Let the People Speak

We respect diverse views — including those from academia. But we must also remind all Sabahans that no narrative, no opinion — no matter how neutral it appears — should ever condition us to surrender our democratic rights.

Let no one decide for us. Let no gate decide who leads us.

Come election day, let us speak clearly, loudly, and decisively — not for any individual, but for the future of Sabah itself.

Daniel John Jambun

President

Borneo’s Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo)

&

Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS).#~Borneo Herald™

Masa depan Shafie, Hajiji, TYT dan rakyat Sabah ditentukan oleh keputusan rakyat jelata, bukan oleh Istana

Siapa bakal menghuni pejabat Ketua Menteri Sabah selepas PRN 2025 ini ditentukan oleh keputusan rakyat. Satu mandat yang jelas dan kukuh diperlukan bagi mengelak ada pihak cuba rompak keputusan rakyat, tak kira berapa kecil majoriti.

Oleh Daniel John Jambun, 11-6-2025

KAMI merujuk kepada artikel pendapat bertajuk “Power Behind the Istana Gates: Musa Aman’s Quiet Influence in Sabah’s Election” yang ditulis oleh Dr Arnold Puyok dan diterbitkan pada 10 Jun 2025.

Kami mengucapkan terima kasih kepada Dr Puyok atas pandangan yang mencetuskan pemikiran serta menghargai sumbangan wacana akademik dalam memperkayakan perbincangan demokrasi di Sabah.

Namun begitu, sebagai pemerhati politik dan pemimpin masyarakat sivil, kami ingin mengemukakan sudut pandang yang berbeza — satu perspektif yang mencerminkan sentimen rakyat di peringkat akar umbi. Bagi kami, masa depan Sabah tidak boleh ditentukan di balik pintu tertutup atau melalui perjanjian elit. Ia mesti ditentukan secara terbuka, dan oleh rakyat sendiri.

1. Rakyat — Bukan Istana — Yang Mesti Memilih

Cadangan bahawa “Ketua Menteri seterusnya mungkin bukan Shafie” bukan sekadar spekulasi — ia berisiko mempengaruhi pendapat umum sebelum satu undi pun dibuang. Ia menormalisasikan satu tanggapan berbahaya: bahawa walaupun Warisan dan sekutunya menang majoriti, seseorang yang lebih “boleh diterima” oleh elit politik boleh mengatasi pilihan rakyat.

Kenyataan bahawa Yang di-Pertua Negeri mempunyai “budi bicara mutlak” — akibat pemansuhan Perkara 6(7) dalam Perlembagaan Negeri Sabah — membuka ruang kepada kekaburan perlembagaan dan menjejaskan kepercayaan awam terhadap institusi demokrasi negeri.

2. Kembalinya Musa Aman Melambangkan Politik Lama yang Perlu Ditinggalkan

Kami mengakui pandangan Dr. Puyok bahawa Musa Aman mungkin dilihat oleh sesetengah pihak sebagai lambang kestabilan politik. Namun bagi ramai rakyat Sabah, era pentadbirannya (2003–2018) sinonim dengan dakwaan rasuah, kronisme dan penghakisan autonomi negeri. Walaupun pertuduhan terhadap beliau digugurkan, rakyat tidak pernah diberi peluang menyaksikan keseluruhan proses kehakiman — satu hakikat yang terus menimbulkan keraguan.

Hakikatnya, ketidakstabilan di Sabah hari ini bukan berpunca daripada pembangkang politik, tetapi dari puluhan tahun kegagalan kepimpinan, pergolakan dalam gabungan parti, dan ketidakmampuan menyelesaikan isu asas seperti:

Krisis air dan elektrik yang berpanjangan,

Jurang pembangunan antara Sabah dan Sarawak yang semakin melebar,

Pengangguran dan penghijrahan golongan belia, serta

Kegagalan menuntut hak 40% hasil negeri di bawah MA63.

Inilah realiti yang ditanggung oleh rakyat. Sabah — dan ia memerlukan kepimpinan baharu, bukan pengulangan masa silam.

3. Shafie Apdal dan Warisan Adalah Alternatif Demokratik — Bukan Ancaman

Datuk Seri Panglima Shafie Apdal telah dilantik sebagai Ketua Menteri pada tahun 2018 melalui mandat pilihan raya yang sah dan demokratik. Pentadbiran beliau memulakan langkah ke arah reformasi institusi, peningkatan ketelusan, dan memperjuangkan hak Sabah di bawah Perjanjian Malaysia 1963.

Apa yang sering tidak disebut ialah pada tahun 2020, Musa Aman — bukan Shafie — yang cuba kembali berkuasa melalui jalan pintu belakang tanpa melalui pilihan raya. Cubaan itu gagal, dan Dewan Undangan Negeri dibubarkan bagi memulangkan semula mandat kepada rakyat.

Jika Warisan kembali mendapat mandat jelas daripada rakyat, suara itu wajib dihormati — dan tidak boleh disekat oleh tangan-tangan tersembunyi.

4. Pilihan Raya Ini Adalah Referendum Siapa Pemilik Kuasa — Elit atau Rakyat

Ini bukan lagi pilihan raya negeri biasa. Ia adalah referendum sama ada rakyat Sabah ingin merampas kembali kuasa daripada golongan elit yang percaya keputusan boleh dibuat di balik pintu istana atau dalam bilik mesyuarat tertutup.

Hanya mandat yang jelas dan kuat daripada rakyat boleh menghalang rundingan selepas pilihan raya, perjanjian rahsia, atau manipulasi perlembagaan. Lebih jelas keputusan rakyat, lebih sukar untuk sesiapa pun — hatta yang berada di balik pagar istana — menidakkan kehendak rakyat.

5. Sabah Mesti Bangkit Dengan Maruah — Bukan Diberitahu Siapa “Boleh Diterima”

Rakyat Sabah berhak kepada sebuah kerajaan yang cekap, bersih, dan berakar kepada hak negeri — bukan kerajaan yang bergantung kepada proksi pusat atau tokoh kitar semula.

Kita mesti menolak tanggapan bahawa “kuasa lebih tahu segalanya.”

Kita mesti menegaskan: hanya rakyat yang lebih tahu apa yang terbaik.

Warisan membayangkan sebuah Sabah yang mentadbir dirinya dengan maruah, bukan ketergantungan — di mana mereka yang gagal atau memperalatkan sistem tidak diberi kunci kuasa semula, tetapi dihukum melalui peti undi.

Biarlah Rakyat Yang Bersuara

Kami menghormati kepelbagaian pandangan — termasuk dari kalangan akademik. Namun kami juga ingin mengingatkan semua rakyat Sabah bahawa tiada naratif, tiada pendapat — walau kelihatan neutral — yang patut melemahkan semangat kita untuk mempertahankan hak demokrasi kita.

Jangan biarkan orang lain membuat keputusan untuk kita. Jangan biarkan pagar istana menentukan siapa pemimpin kita.

Apabila tiba hari mengundi, marilah kita bersuara dengan jelas, lantang dan tegas — bukan untuk mana-mana individu, tetapi demi masa depan Sabah yang kita cintai.

Daniel John Jambun ialah Presiden

Borneo’s Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo)

&

Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS).~Borneo Herald™

Apa sudah GRS-PH lakukan terhadap 250 GLC Sabah sepanjang lima tahun ini?

250 GLC Sabah di bawah kuasa kerajaan GRS-PH dianggap gagal bawa kegembiraan kepada rakyat Sabah iaitu pelabur utama GLC. Adakah hanya pemimpin kanan GRS-PH dapat habuan lumayan sepanjang 5 tahun ini (puluh tahun bagi kebanyakan mereka)? Sedangkan rakyat marhaen terus "nikmati" jalan berlubang, air dan elektrik tidak menentu, infrastruktur era 1950-an?

Oleh Daniel John Jambun, 10-6-2025

KOMEN terbaru oleh Datuk John Lo bertajuk "Sabah May Stay Poor Due to GLCs" yang disiarkan dalam Daily Express pada 8 Jun 2025 merupakan satu lagi cubaan tidak tahu malu untuk mencuci tangan daripada dekad ketirisan ekonomi dan budaya patronaj politik yang dilakukan oleh individu-individu yang kini berpura-pura menjadi pembaharu — iaitu Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor dan Datuk Seri Masidi Manjun.

Kita perlu jelas: kerosakan dalam GLC Sabah tidak berlaku semalaman. Ia berlaku ketika Hajiji dan Masidi selesa duduk dalam Kabinet Negeri, memegang portfolio utama serta kuasa melantik individu ke jawatan penting, mengawal kewangan negeri dan tadbir urus institusi. Masidi memegang tanggungjawab dalam hal ehwal Kewangan dan pemantauan GLC. Hajiji bukan sahaja Ketua Menteri, tetapi juga merupakan sebahagian daripada pelbagai pentadbiran sebelum ini. Maka persoalan sebenar yang perlu ditanya oleh rakyat Sabah ialah: Kenapa baru sekarang? Kenapa hanya beberapa bulan sebelum pilihan raya, barulah mereka kononnya “menyedari” barah yang mereka sendiri biarkan merebak?

1. Hipokrasi “Transformasi GLC”

Mengambil kredit atas “transformasi” selepas bertahun-tahun membisu, bersekongkol dan gagal bertindak adalah satu penghinaan terhadap kecerdikan rakyat Sabah. Jika benar GLC selama ini disalah urus, dibebani hutang dan disalah guna secara politik — seperti yang diakui sendiri oleh John Lo — siapa yang bertanggungjawab semasa kerosakan itu berlaku? Jawapannya jelas: Hajiji dan Masidi, antara lain, adalah penyelia utama kegagalan berpanjangan ini.

Di bawah seliaan Hajiji-Gapari-Juakim-Shahelmy-Masidi, 250 GLC Sabah lesu tak bermaya. Prestasi deliveri kerajaan Sabah semakin merudum dan hilang arah, hanya gimik cek dividen kadang-kadang kelihatan, rakyat tidak merasai nikmatnya. (GLC ialah syarikat-syarikat milikan kerajaan negeri).

Penubuhan Jawatankuasa Pemantauan GLC dan pelantikan baru-baru ini terlalu lewat dan terlalu kecil — dan lebih menyerupai taktik kosmetik pilihan raya daripada reformasi tulen. Di manakah mekanisme ketelusan, kod tadbir urus dan rombakan kepimpinan lima atau sepuluh tahun lalu? Kenapa kroni dan “macai” yang tidak berkelayakan dibenarkan menduduki lembaga pengarah, menandatangani perjanjian berat sebelah dan menghabiskan khazanah negeri?

2. Rakyat Sabah Yang Tanggung Derita — Ahli Politik Yang Untung

Anak muda Sabah masih menganggur. Usahawan kita disingkirkan oleh GLC yang monopoli. Tanah, pelabuhan dan sumber mineral kita diserahkan kepada syarikat yang berpangkalan di Semenanjung dalam usaha sama yang mengkayakan orang luar manakala rakyat tempatan terus dipinggirkan. Dan kini, kerajaan yang sama yang membina ekosistem patronaj ini mahu dipuji kerana melantik beberapa teknokrat atas tekanan awam dan desakan pilihan raya?

Rakyat Sabah bukan tidak tahu berterima kasih — kita cuma tidak buta. Kita tahu bahawa reformasi sebenar tidak datang daripada orang yang mencipta masalah. Reformasi sebenar memerlukan keberanian politik — bukan kemudahan politik.

3. Nombor Tidak Menipu — Tapi Naratif Boleh

Ya, Sabah memiliki lebih 250 GLC — kebanyakannya tidak relevan, rugi dan berlaku pertindihan fungsi. Tetapi ini tidak berlaku dalam ruang kosong. Entiti ini menjadi tempat perlindungan politik untuk calon yang gagal, proksi untuk merampas tanah dan alat untuk mengalihkan kekayaan negeri ke tangan peribadi. Rakyat tahu. Ketua Audit Negara tahu. Penjawat awam dan orang dalam bercakap mengenainya setiap hari.

Namun, selama lebih sedekad, tokoh seperti Hajiji dan Masidi membisu — bersekongkol dalam sistem yang kini kononnya mereka mahu reformasi. Menyandarkan keuntungan SMJ Energy atau segelintir entiti yang telah dirombak sebagai bukti perubahan sistemik adalah satu lawak jenaka. Seekor burung tidak menandakan datangnya musim.

4. Reformasi Tulen Perlukan Pertanggungjawaban

Jika benar isu GLC merupakan “lubang tidak berpenghujung” — seperti kata John Lo — maka mari kita tanya:

Siapa yang melantik pemimpin GLC yang gagal?

Siapa yang meluluskan perjanjian berat sebelah dengan syarikat dari Semenanjung?

Siapa yang menandatangani konsesi tanah bernilai jutaan ringgit tanpa rundingan awam?

Selagi persoalan ini tidak dijawab, maka tidak wujud reformasi GLC — hanya pengalihan isu.

5. Pilihan Raya Bukan Alat Pembersih Dosa Politik

Rakyat Sabah berhak mendapat lebih daripada janji kosong dan ucapan yang digilap. Kami berhak mendapat:

Audit bebas terhadap semua GLC Sabah dalam tempoh 20 tahun lalu.

Pengisytiharan aset terbuka oleh semua ahli lembaga dan pengerusi GLC.

Had ke atas pelantikan politik dalam GLC, dengan penguatkuasaan pengambilan berdasarkan merit.

Undang-undang yang melindungi penyertaan rakyat Sabah dalam usaha niaga GLC dan menjamin pulangan ekonomi yang saksama.

Inilah langkah-langkah yang akan dijanjikan oleh reformis sebenar — bukan jawatankuasa kabur yang dibentuk secara tergesa-gesa menjelang pilihan raya.

Kita tidak akan membenarkan mereka yang menyalahgunakan kekayaan Sabah untuk kini berpura-pura sebagai penyelamat. Rakyat Sabah sudah bersedia untuk perubahan — bukan yang kosmetik, bukan yang direka — tetapi yang struktur, jujur, dan dipimpin oleh mereka yang tidak pernah menjual tanah dan masa depan kita.

Jika GLC kini ibarat “sel barah,” maka jangan lupa siapa yang menyemai tumor itu. Dan pastikan, apabila hari pilihan raya tiba, pakar bedahnya bukan orang yang sama yang mencetuskan penyakit ini.

Daniel John Jambun

Presiden

Borneo's Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo)

&

Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS).#Borneo Herald™

What Happened to Sabah GLCs? Decay worsened under Hajiji-Gapari-Juakim-Shahelmy-Masidi watch?

Chief Minister Datuk Hajiji Noor in a tricky position with overall failing performance of state GLCs... GRS leaders made occasional announcements of gimmick dividends within this five years but hardly with any meaningful impact on ordinary Sabahans?

By Daniel John Jambun, 10-6-2025

THE recent commentary by Datuk John Lo, titled "Sabah May Stay Poor Due to GLCs", that appeared in the Daily Express dated 8th June 2025, is yet another shameless attempt to whitewash decades of economic mismanagement and political patronage under the very same individuals now pretending to be reformers — namely, Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor and Datuk Seri Masidi Manjun.

Let us be clear: the rot in Sabah’s GLCs did not happen overnight. It happened while Hajiji and Masidi sat comfortably in the State Cabinet, holding key portfolios and influence over appointments, state finances, and institutional governance. Masidi has been in charge of Finance and GLC oversight. Hajiji was not only Chief Minister but part of multiple previous administrations. So, the real question Sabahans must ask is: Why now? Why only now, just months before the state election, have these men suddenly “discovered” the cancer they themselves allowed to spread?

1. Hypocrisy of “GLC Transformation”

To claim credit for transformation after years of silence, complicity, and inaction is an insult to the intelligence of every Sabahan. If GLCs were indeed mismanaged, debt-ridden, and politically abused — as John Lo himself admits — then who was in charge when this damage occurred? The answer is clear: Hajiji and Masidi, among others, were the stewards of this prolonged failure.

The so-called GLC Oversight Committee and recent appointments are too little, too late — and appear more like election window dressing than genuine reform. Where were the transparency measures, governance codes, and leadership reshuffles five or ten years ago? Why were cronies and unqualified “macai” allowed to sit on boards, sign lopsided deals, and bleed Sabah’s resources dry?

2. Sabahans Have Paid the Price — While Politicians Thrived

Sabah’s youth remain unemployed. Our entrepreneurs are crowded out by monopolistic GLCs. Our land, ports, and mineral resources were handed to Malayan-linked firms in joint ventures that enrich outsiders while locals remain sidelined. And now, the same government that nurtured this patronage ecosystem wants applause for appointing a few technocrats after public pressure and electoral desperation?

Who thrive in Sabah's economy? Only politicians or the rakyat marhaens at large?

Sabahans are not ungrateful — we are just not blind. We know that real reform doesn’t come from the same people who caused the problem. Real reform requires political courage, not political convenience.

3. The Numbers Don’t Lie — But the Narrative Does

Yes, Sabah has over 250 GLCs — many of them redundant, loss-making, and riddled with duplication. But this didn’t happen in a vacuum. These entities became political shelters for failed candidates, proxies for land grabs, and tools for siphoning state wealth into private hands. The public knows this. The Auditor-General knows this. Civil servants and insiders talk about it every day.

And yet, for over a decade, the likes of Hajiji and Masidi remained silent — complicit in a system they now claim to want to reform. To parade SMJ Energy’s profits or a few reorganized entities as proof of systemic change is laughable. One swallow does not make a summer.

4. True Reform Requires Accountability

If the GLC issue is truly a “bottomless pit” — as John Lo puts it — then let’s start by asking:

Who appointed the failed GLC leaders?

Who approved lopsided deals with Malayan corporations?

Who signed off on multi-million land concessions and monopolies with zero public consultation?

Until these questions are answered, there is no GLC transformation — only GLC deflection.

5. Election Is Not a Cleaning Tool for Political Sins

The Sabah people deserve more than tired promises and polished speeches. We deserve:

A full independent audit of all Sabah GLCs over the past 20 years.

A public asset declaration by all GLC board members and chairpersons.

A cap on political appointments to GLCs, with enforcement of merit-based recruitment.

A law to protect Sabahan participation in GLC ventures and ensure equitable economic return.

These are the measures that true reformers would commit to — not vague committees formed conveniently before an election.

We will not allow those who abused Sabah’s wealth to now paint themselves as saviors. Sabahans are ready for change — not cosmetic, not scripted — but structural, honest, and led by those who have not sold out our land and future.

If GLCs have become “cancerous cells,” then let us not forget who cultivated the tumour. And let us ensure, come election day, that the surgeons are not the same ones who caused the disease.

Daniel John Jambun is President of

Borneo's Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo)

&

Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS)

KENYATAAN MEDIA

10 Jun 2025

Rakyat Sabah Bukan Bodoh: Kerosakan GLC Berlaku Ketika Hajiji dan Masidi Memerintah?

KOMENTAR terbaru oleh Datuk John Lo bertajuk "Sabah May Stay Poor Due to GLCs" yang disiarkan dalam Daily Express pada 8 Jun 2025 merupakan satu lagi cubaan tidak tahu malu untuk mencuci tangan daripada dekad ketirisan ekonomi dan budaya patronaj politik yang dilakukan oleh individu-individu yang kini berpura-pura menjadi pembaharu — iaitu Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor dan Datuk Seri Masidi Manjun.

Kita perlu jelas: kerosakan dalam GLC Sabah tidak berlaku semalaman. Ia berlaku ketika Hajiji dan Masidi selesa duduk dalam Kabinet Negeri, memegang portfolio utama serta kuasa melantik individu ke jawatan penting, mengawal kewangan negeri dan tadbir urus institusi. Masidi memegang tanggungjawab dalam hal ehwal Kewangan dan pemantauan GLC. Hajiji bukan sahaja Ketua Menteri, tetapi juga merupakan sebahagian daripada pelbagai pentadbiran sebelum ini. Maka persoalan sebenar yang perlu ditanya oleh rakyat Sabah ialah: Kenapa baru sekarang? Kenapa hanya beberapa bulan sebelum pilihan raya, barulah mereka kononnya “menyedari” barah yang mereka sendiri biarkan merebak?

1. Hipokrasi “Transformasi GLC”

Mengambil kredit atas “transformasi” selepas bertahun-tahun membisu, bersekongkol dan gagal bertindak adalah satu penghinaan terhadap kecerdikan rakyat Sabah. Jika benar GLC selama ini disalah urus, dibebani hutang dan disalah guna secara politik — seperti yang diakui sendiri oleh John Lo — siapa yang bertanggungjawab semasa kerosakan itu berlaku? Jawapannya jelas: Hajiji dan Masidi, antara lain, adalah penyelia utama kegagalan berpanjangan ini.

Penubuhan Jawatankuasa Pemantauan GLC dan pelantikan baru-baru ini terlalu lewat dan terlalu kecil — dan lebih menyerupai taktik kosmetik pilihan raya daripada reformasi tulen. Di manakah mekanisme ketelusan, kod tadbir urus dan rombakan kepimpinan lima atau sepuluh tahun lalu? Kenapa kroni dan “macai” yang tidak berkelayakan dibenarkan menduduki lembaga pengarah, menandatangani perjanjian berat sebelah dan menghabiskan khazanah negeri?

2. Rakyat Sabah Yang Tanggung Derita — Ahli Politik Yang Untung

Anak muda Sabah masih menganggur. Usahawan kita disingkirkan oleh GLC yang monopoli. Tanah, pelabuhan dan sumber mineral kita diserahkan kepada syarikat yang berpangkalan di Semenanjung dalam usaha sama yang mengkayakan orang luar manakala rakyat tempatan terus dipinggirkan. Dan kini, kerajaan yang sama yang membina ekosistem patronaj ini mahu dipuji kerana melantik beberapa teknokrat atas tekanan awam dan desakan pilihan raya?

Rakyat Sabah bukan tidak tahu berterima kasih — kita cuma tidak buta. Kita tahu bahawa reformasi sebenar tidak datang daripada orang yang mencipta masalah. Reformasi sebenar memerlukan keberanian politik — bukan kemudahan politik.

3. Nombor Tidak Menipu — Tapi Naratif Boleh

Ya, Sabah memiliki lebih 250 GLC — kebanyakannya tidak relevan, rugi dan berlaku pertindihan fungsi. Tetapi ini tidak berlaku dalam ruang kosong. Entiti ini menjadi tempat perlindungan politik untuk calon yang gagal, proksi untuk merampas tanah dan alat untuk mengalihkan kekayaan negeri ke tangan peribadi. Rakyat tahu. Ketua Audit Negara tahu. Penjawat awam dan orang dalam bercakap mengenainya setiap hari.

Namun, selama lebih sedekad, tokoh seperti Hajiji dan Masidi membisu — bersekongkol dalam sistem yang kini kononnya mereka mahu reformasi. Menyandarkan keuntungan SMJ Energy atau segelintir entiti yang telah dirombak sebagai bukti perubahan sistemik adalah satu lawak jenaka. Seekor burung tidak menandakan datangnya musim.

4. Reformasi Tulen Perlukan Pertanggungjawaban

Jika benar isu GLC merupakan “lubang tidak berpenghujung” — seperti kata John Lo — maka mari kita tanya:

Siapa yang melantik pemimpin GLC yang gagal?

Siapa yang meluluskan perjanjian berat sebelah dengan syarikat dari Semenanjung?

Siapa yang menandatangani konsesi tanah bernilai jutaan ringgit tanpa rundingan awam?

Selagi persoalan ini tidak dijawab, maka tidak wujud reformasi GLC — hanya pengalihan isu.

5. Pilihan Raya Bukan Alat Pembersih Dosa Politik

Rakyat Sabah berhak mendapat lebih daripada janji kosong dan ucapan yang digilap. Kami berhak mendapat:

Audit bebas terhadap semua GLC Sabah dalam tempoh 20 tahun lalu.

Pengisytiharan aset terbuka oleh semua ahli lembaga dan pengerusi GLC.

Had ke atas pelantikan politik dalam GLC, dengan penguatkuasaan pengambilan berdasarkan merit.

Undang-undang yang melindungi penyertaan rakyat Sabah dalam usaha niaga GLC dan menjamin pulangan ekonomi yang saksama.

Inilah langkah-langkah yang akan dijanjikan oleh reformis sebenar — bukan jawatankuasa kabur yang dibentuk secara tergesa-gesa menjelang pilihan raya.

Kita tidak akan membenarkan mereka yang menyalahgunakan kekayaan Sabah untuk kini berpura-pura sebagai penyelamat. Rakyat Sabah sudah bersedia untuk perubahan — bukan yang kosmetik, bukan yang direka — tetapi yang struktur, jujur, dan dipimpin oleh mereka yang tidak pernah menjual tanah dan masa depan kita.

Jika GLC kini ibarat “sel barah,” maka jangan lupa siapa yang menyemai tumor itu. Dan pastikan, apabila hari pilihan raya tiba, pakar bedahnya bukan orang yang sama yang mencetuskan penyakit ini.

Daniel John Jambun

Presiden

Borneo's Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo)

&

Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS).#~Borneo Herald™

Leadership is Proven by Vision, Not Political Role Play

                               Terence Au

By Terence Au, 7-6-2025

WE take note of the recent suggestion by former State Assemblyman J. Ligunjang, calling for Warisan to present a shadow Cabinet ahead of the next state election. While we welcome constructive ideas that seek to elevate political discourse, we must also address the underlying assumptions of this suggestion.

Let us begin by affirming: Warisan does not shy away from accountability or transparency. We have consistently fielded candidates with professional qualifications, and grassroots legitimacy across Sabah’s diverse communities — from the east coast to the interior, from Muslim to non-Muslim Bumiputera, and from Chinese  communities. Our multiracial DNA is not just a slogan — it is embodied in our leadership, policies, and vision for Sabah.

However, the call for a “shadow Cabinet” presumes a Westminster-style system that has little practical relevance within Sabah’s political context. Unlike in the UK where opposition parties are institutionally recognised and supported to form shadow ministries, Malaysia’s political structure offers no such formal role. Instead, leadership is demonstrated through performance, not performative lists.

The real test of readiness is not whether a party can publish a shadow Cabinet. It is whether that party has governed before and delivered results. And on that front, Warisan has governed — and we delivered -- though for only 2 years.

We stabilised political leadership without federal interference.

And we governed with dignity, not through backdoor deals or defections.

If Sabahans are looking for a capable and diverse government, they need only look at Warisan’s record — not a hypothetical list.

Furthermore, let us not reduce governance readiness to an exercise in racial arithmetic. While inclusivity is vital — and Warisan has always embodied this — competence, integrity, and policy vision must remain the central criteria. It is the failure to prioritise these qualities that has left Sabah with infrastructure breakdowns, widespread corruption, and development gaps under the current GRS administration.

We respect J. Ligunjang’s right to express concern. But let it be known — Warisan’s strength lies not in pre-election gimmicks, but in post-election governance. When given the mandate, we do not merely promise diversity. We deliver leadership.

And when the time comes, the people will judge us not by who we announce in a list — but by what we stand for, what we have done, and what we will do.

Terence Au is Warisan Wira Chief.

73 Sabah seats, whose luck will it be this time? Warisan? GRS? KDM? Malaya's parties?

News by the Jesselton Times, picked up by Borneo Herald, 27-5-2025

KOTA KINABALU: If the recent remarks made by GRS information chief Datuk Joniston Bangkuai regarding the potential for the upcoming Sabah state election (PRN) to devolve into a “free-for-all” are any indication, the next PRN could be the battleground for a fierce competition among the participating parties.

Bangkuai suggested that such a free-for-all scenario might actually serve as a hidden advantage, as it would enable Sabahans to select between a coalition of local parties and those led by parties from Peninsular Malaysia.

Nevertheless, political analysts perceive the situation differently, contending that the contest will not simply be a straightforward battle between local and national parties, nor will it resemble a referendum.

They argue that there will be intense competition among local parties, specifically between the GRS and the Warisan and KDM parties.

In light of this, GRS must not convey to the people of Sabah that it is the sole local party capable of safeguarding or advocating for their interests.

This implies that the PRN will also provide an opportunity for local citizens to determine the representatives they wish to elect to the state legislative assembly.

Social activist and political analyst Dr Kanul Gindol believes that the upcoming PRN will be particularly captivating.

He noted that GRS will face significant hurdles in regaining power, as it must navigate challenges posed by local parties such as Warisan and KDM, in addition to those from Peninsular-based parties.

Dr Kanul said while Warisan and KDM are determined to go it alone separately, GRS, with eight component parties, are an undecided lot, with their leaders now caught between going it solo as local parties or siding with Malayan PH and BN.

“GRS is still undecided. BN and PH have announced they are ready to split 40-33 the 73 Sabah seats between BN and PH, respectively, if GRS is not riding on their ship.

“GRS are meeting in days time, but it appeared GRS are split between wanting just a local coalition for all 73 seats and tying with Malaya’s power, which also includes Upko. How many seats could they eventually settle with? is everyone’s guess for now,” he said.

“The most probable thing to happen in this situation is GRS to eat its humble pie by conceding many Sabah seats to Malaya’s bosses. Already Nurul Izzah, two days ago, declared PKR alone wants 13 Sabah state seats.

“I don’t think BN will settle for less. So are DAP, Upko and Amanah combined, and so are PBRS and MCA. Then, how many are left for GRS? 15 is absurd,” said Dr Kanul in an interview with the Jesselton Times here today.

According to Dr Kanul Gindol, clashes among Sabah local parties like GRS, Warisan, KDM at the coming state election may result in Malaya's parties winning seats, by default.

Dr Kanul, however, cautions that while it is not yet a choice just between Sabah parties and Malaya’s, any clash between Warisan or KDM with GRS in the various seats may by default hand over victory to Malayan parties, the very side Sabahans wanted to kill.

For the record, the anti-Malayan party sentiment lately is boiling up again in Sabah that even Umno President Ahmad Zahid Hamidi felt the heat and lambasted parties that played the “Sabah for Sabahans” slogan as ‘divisive’.

This sentiment is sweeping Sabah on the popularity of Sarawak GPS’s only local party stand, which has significantly reduced Malaya’s party to only two Sarawak DAP state seats from dozens before out of the total 82 seats.

Half of the top GRS leaders are with this sentiment; notoriously, Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan and Tan Sri Pandikar Amin are said to favour all-Sabah parties to rule Sabah, like Sarawak.

Chief Minister Datuk Hajiji Noor at one time appeared swayed by this; however, he is said to be undecided and seemed to have second thought about leaving out PH completely, even though he might be prepared to ditch Umno-led BN, his numero uno enemy in Sabah.

“But this, again, is a hard buy, as long as Umno’s Zahid is as solid as Mount Kinabalu in his deepening friendship with PM Datuk Anwar Ibrahim, to read, to keep the Madani Government of theirs,” Dr Kanul opined.

“It seems there is an agenda to deny Sabahans the chance to dominate the state political landscape again. Can PH and BN work their way and install their puppet CM in Sabah? This is the last thing Sabahans want, and they better wake up,” he added.

Dr Kanul said Sabah is really in need of a smart and diplomatic CM, someone many are searching for in the coming state election, which is due to be called anytime now. “After five years with heaps of unsettled problems, we are not looking to reinstall the same old regime.

“At the beginning, we may only see potentialities in our leaders, but after five years of bad experience, you cannot simply wait for potentialities forever; you have to have a good appraisal. Did they fail you? Are you satisfied? My advice is shape up or ship out,” added Dr Kanul.# ~Jesselton Times / Borneo Herald™

Don’t Whitewash the Past: GRS Cannot Take Credit for Cleaning Up a Crisis They Helped Create

By Daniel John Jambun, 6-6-2025

THE recent statement by STAR Deputy President Datuk Kenny Chua, that appeared in the Daily Express, praising the Sabah Development Bank’s (SDBank) recovery as a hallmark of GRS’s so-called “economic reform agenda,” is not only misleading—it is a blatant attempt to whitewash the past and rewrite history for political convenience.

Let us be absolutely clear: the Sabah Development Bank scandal was not inherited by GRS—it was engineered over time by the very same political actors who now claim to be fixing it.

Both Chief Minister Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor and Finance Minister Datuk Masidi Manjun were senior Cabinet members during the Barisan Nasional (BN) era, a period when many of Sabah’s state-linked companies—including SDBank—fell into decline through mismanagement, political interference, and abuse of public trust.

Masidi’s Own Admission: A Decades-Long Financial Fraud

In July 2024, Datuk Masidi himself admitted before the Sabah State Assembly that over RM5 billion in non-performing loans—representing 75% of SDBank’s total loan portfolio—had been hidden for years through what he described as “creative accounting.” This practice involved issuing fresh loans to defaulters so that overdue payments could be masked, thereby artificially inflating SDBank’s performance and hiding its actual losses.

Masidi described the situation as a “governance nightmare,” citing a total collapse in risk management, internal controls, and oversight. The bank, he said, had become known in the market as a “bank of last resort”—where politically connected borrowers, unqualified and unchecked, took loans with little to no fear of legal consequence or accountability.

What Masidi failed to mention, however, is this: he was a key part of the very administration that presided over this financial disaster. Hajiji, too, held various ministerial positions during the BN government’s long rule in Sabah. For them now to claim credit for “reforming” what they helped enable is political hypocrisy of the highest order.

One Case Does Not Make a Reform Agenda

Let us be honest: While any financial recovery at SDBank is welcome, this is not proof of a wider reform agenda. If anything, it is a belated response to a long-festering problem—one that the same political class allowed to grow unchecked for nearly two decades.

Where are the reforms in:

Sabah’s electricity sector, which continues to suffer from blackouts and underinvestment?

Water infrastructure, where chronic shortages plague even urban centres?

Public transparency, with no independent audits published for other GLCs or departments?

Anti-corruption enforcement, when the public still sees politically connected individuals go unpunished?

SDBank’s restructuring—led by a new management team and board only installed in mid-2023—cannot be used to launder GRS’s legacy of failure.

“Sabah First” Cannot Be a Slogan of Convenience

The claim that SDBank now operates on a “Sabah First” basis rings hollow when viewed in context. If Sabah’s interests truly came first, then:

Why were billions in public funds ever loaned to West Malaysian tycoons with no ties to local development?

Why were there no interventions when these practices were actively taking place under the watch of BN and early GRS leaders?

You cannot suddenly invoke “Sabah First” when you were Sabah Last for decades.

Conclusion: Reform Requires Accountability, Not Reinvention

Real reform begins with truth and accountability—not reinvention and repackaged narratives. Sabahans are not so easily fooled. They know that the same political elites responsible for past misgovernance are now trying to rebrand themselves as reformers, hoping one bank’s restructuring can erase years of systemic failure.

We say: No more political amnesia. No more recycled promises.

If GRS is serious about reform, it must go beyond slogans and spin. It must hold those responsible to account—including those in its own ranks—and restore institutional integrity across all levels of government.

Until then, the people of Sabah will not—and should not—be swayed by hollow victories over crises they helped create.

Daniel John Jambun is President of

Borneo's Plight in Malaysia foundation (BoPiMaFo) &

Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS).

Versi Bahasa Malaysia:

KENYATAAN MEDIA

6hb Jun 2025

Jangan Putar Belit Sejarah: GRS Tidak Boleh Mendakwa Membetulkan Krisis Yang Mereka Sendiri Cipta

KENYATAAN terbaru oleh Timbalan Presiden STAR, Datuk Kenny Chua, yang memuji pemulihan kewangan Sabah Development Bank (SDBank) sebagai kejayaan agenda reformasi ekonomi GRS adalah bukan sahaja mengelirukan, malah cubaan terang-terangan untuk menutup sejarah dan mengolah semula naratif demi kepentingan politik.

Kita perlu jelas: skandal kewangan di SDBank bukan sekadar masalah yang diwarisi oleh GRS—ia adalah masalah yang dibina secara beransur-ansur oleh pelakon politik yang sama yang kini mendakwa mereka sedang “membaikinya.”

Kedua-dua Ketua Menteri Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor dan Menteri Kewangan Datuk Masidi Manjun adalah tokoh kanan dalam kerajaan Barisan Nasional (BN) selama bertahun-tahun—era di mana banyak syarikat berkaitan kerajaan negeri, termasuk SDBank, mula merosot akibat salah urus, campur tangan politik dan ketirisan amanah awam.

Pengakuan Masidi Sendiri: Skandal Kewangan Selama Dua Dekad

Pada Julai 2024, Datuk Masidi mengakui di Dewan Undangan Negeri bahawa lebih RM5 bilion pinjaman tidak berbayar (NPL)—bersamaan 75% daripada keseluruhan pinjaman SDBank—telah disembunyikan selama bertahun-tahun melalui apa yang beliau sendiri istilahkan sebagai “perakaunan kreatif.”

Amalan ini melibatkan pemberian pinjaman baharu kepada peminjam yang gagal membayar hutang lama supaya kelewatan bayaran dapat disembunyikan, sekaligus mewujudkan gambaran palsu bahawa prestasi kewangan bank adalah baik.

Masidi menyifatkan situasi itu sebagai “mimpi ngeri tadbir urus,” dengan kegagalan sepenuhnya dari segi kawalan dalaman, pengurusan risiko dan semakan pinjaman. Malah pasaran menjuluki SDBank sebagai “bank pilihan terakhir” bagi peminjam yang ditolak oleh institusi kewangan lain—dan akhirnya bank ini menanggung kerugian besar.

Namun apa yang tidak dinyatakan Masidi ialah: beliau sendiri adalah sebahagian daripada pentadbiran yang menyaksikan krisis ini membesar. Hajiji pula pernah memegang pelbagai jawatan menteri semasa era BN. Maka adalah hipokrasi yang nyata apabila mereka kini tampil kononnya sebagai penyelamat krisis yang mereka sendiri benarkan berlaku.

Satu Kes Tidak Membuktikan Reformasi

Walaupun sebarang pemulihan di SDBank dialu-alukan, ia bukan bukti kukuh bahawa satu agenda reformasi sedang berlangsung. Ia hanyalah tindak balas terlewat terhadap masalah yang telah lama dibiarkan.

Di mana reformasi terhadap:

Krisis bekalan elektrik Sabah yang masih menjadi antara yang terburuk di negara ini?

Masalah air, yang masih menghantui kawasan bandar dan luar bandar?

Ketelusan pengurusan GLC, tanpa audit bebas atau pembentangan laporan kepada rakyat?

Tindakan terhadap korupsi, apabila ramai kroni politik masih bebas dan tidak didakwa?

Penstrukturan semula SDBank—yang hanya bermula selepas pelantikan lembaga pengarah dan pengurusan baharu pada pertengahan 2023—tidak boleh dijadikan pencuci dosa warisan kegagalan GRS sendiri.

“Sabah First” Bukan Slogan Bermusim

Dakwaan bahawa SDBank kini mengutamakan prinsip “Sabah First” tidak lebih daripada retorik manis. Jika benar Sabah diutamakan:

Mengapa berbilion ringgit dana negeri diberikan kepada taikun dari Semenanjung yang gagal membayar balik?

Mengapa tiada tindakan sewajarnya diambil ketika semua ini sedang berlaku—di bawah pentadbiran yang diketuai oleh mereka yang kini dalam GRS?

Anda tidak boleh secara tiba-tiba melaungkan “Sabah First” apabila selama ini anda menjadi simbol “Sabah Last.”

Kesimpulan: Reformasi Memerlukan Akauntabiliti, Bukan Solekan Politik

Reformasi sebenar bermula dengan kebenaran dan pertanggungjawaban—bukan helah politik dan slogan kosong. Rakyat Sabah tidak mudah diperdaya. Mereka tahu siapa yang mencipta masalah, siapa yang membisu selama ini, dan siapa yang kini mahu tampil sebagai wira tanpa meminta maaf atas sejarah sendiri.

Kami katakan: Cukup-cukuplah dengan amnesia politik. Hentikan sandiwara kitar semula.

Jika GRS benar-benar ikhlas untuk membawa perubahan, maka ia mesti melepasi retorik dan mengambil tindakan tegas—termasuk terhadap pemimpin dalam kalangan mereka sendiri. Institusi negeri tidak boleh dibersihkan dengan tangan yang sama yang mengotorkannya.

Daniel John Jambun ialah Presiden

Borneo Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo) &

Change Advocate Movement Sabah (CAMOS).#~Borneo Herald™